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From the Author of Supreme Court Gun Cases RE: Heller

mbogo

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HELLER DECISION -- DEEPER ANALYSIS
HELLER DECISION -- DEEPER ANALYSIS
HELLER DECISION -- DEEPER ANALYSIS



"Strictest Scrutiny" Found in the Fine Print
"Strictest Scrutiny" Found in the Fine Print


Many Other Assets Revealed After Study
Many Other Assets Revealed After Study


Gura Takes Another Case
Gura Takes Another Case



"Do NOT gratuitously yield ground on any points that may be debatable
-- take the highest ground concerning what the Heller decision means,
and make the antis fight uphill against you. You may be right despite
your own doubts."



by Alan Korwin, Co-Author
Supreme Court Gun Cases
June 30, 2008


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FIRST, THREE NEWS ITEMS:

1.

June 26, 2008: "An 'outraged' Chicago Mayor Daley this morning
denounced a U.S. Supreme Court ruling overturning Washington D.C.'s
handgun ban as a 'frightening decision' and a "return to the days of the
Wild West.'"

Adding salt to the wound, Chicago was immediately sued over its own
tyrannical handgun ban and licensing tax scheme, by a coalition of
pro-human-rights groups including the Second Amendment Foundation, the
NRA and the Illinois State Rifle Association. Quoting from the SAF
announcement (saf.org):

"Chicago's registration scheme cries out for common-sense reform," ISRA
Executive Director Richard Pearson said. Under Chicago's gun law,
firearms must be re-registered annually. Alan Gura, lead attorney in the
Heller case, is in charge of this lawsuit.

"Each time," Gura said, "a tax is imposed, forms must be filled out,
photographs submitted. A person who owns more than one gun will be
constantly in the process of registering each gun as it comes due for
expiration. If registration is to be required, once is enough."

He further noted that Chicago's bizarre requirement that guns be
registered before they are acquired often makes registration impossible.
Failure to comply with the scheme means that a gun not re-registered on
time can never be registered again. Some anti-rights advocates are
reportedly happy because gun registration is being accepted as if it's a
restoration of rights, which it is not.

Daley's "Wild West" comment refers to a bogus notion used by every
anti-rights zealot in the country. It's usually used to resist
carry-permit legislation, which has been proven to reduce crime, not
revert society to the days of Dodge City. "Why let facts get in the way
of a good red-faced rant," said The Uninvited Ombudsman, to no one in
particular. He added, "Registering honest gun owners lacks a
crime-fighting component, and directs scarce funding in the wrong
direction -- tracking the innocent." Criminals cannot be registered, due
to 5th Amendment self-incrimination rules. More here:
http://www.gunlaws.com/gunreggie.htm


2.

I was going to do a lengthy review of news coverage of the decision,
but it has been so biased, distorted, misleading and prejudicial I just
don't have the stomach for it. Our local paper (Gannett's #2 rag, The
Arizona Republic) put it below the fold, giving a daily change in the
stock market more prominence. They ran the famously anti-rights
Washington Post "news" which began, ran and ended with editorial
comments and balderdash.

The McClatchy chain closed their completely conjectural Q&A approach by
calling SAF, the second largest gun-rights group in the nation "small."
Reuters, overlooking that the RKBA has been enshrined, exercised and
respected for more than two centuries, called it new. It was dastardly.


3.

Against the hue and cry of gun-crazed journalists, clamoring
post-Heller for an end to what they call "gun deaths," it's time to
finally call a spade a spade. Gun deaths are largely war deaths -- in
the government-sponsored war on some drugs. Gang-banger murders are war
deaths in that war, and are not subject to phony "gun-control" measures.
D.C.'s failed laws prove this. The American murder rate has major
components that are demographic, geographic, and related to social and
economic conditions, not a new design by Winchester, Colt or Glock. The
anti-rights claims about gun deaths are as false as the now discredited
myths from their Heller-case arguments.

The ugly underbelly of criminal shootings must be exposed. It must be
disassociated from 100 million legitimate law-abiding gun owners. We can
no longer stand by and allow journalists and their leaders, or misguided
politicians, to place blame for failed social policies on cherished
human rights that have kept this nation a shining beacon of freedom for
more than two centuries.


WARNING:

The big hurdle, with Heller now in place, will be control of the court
of popular opinion. National "news" media, lead by the clever and
decidedly anti-rights Washington Post, will be bending over backwards to
present any D.C. item that can be twisted to imply:

a) D.C. experienced a crime and it must be due to the bad Heller
decision and its subsequent flood of permit applications,

b) exercise of your rights is hurting society,

c) politicians should reverse the trend by finding new ways to enact
the old failed policies, and

d) you should elect Obama because he will fix everything with some
spare change from his campaign.


--------


ADDITIONAL ASPECTS OF THE HELLER DECISION
ADDITIONAL ASPECTS OF THE HELLER DECISION


(In my haste to post an initial review of the Heller decision, many
juicy points were overlooked. This was expected. With time to read and
digest the opinion, some wonderful elements have emerged. Starting with
some lighter fare):


June 26 was a great day for human rights and freedom and a terrible day
for The New York Times. (The Times has promoted an anti-rights agenda
for decades.)


Bogus anti-rights arguments we have endured for about four decades have
had a stake driven through them. Collectivism, militia requirements,
uselessness of sidearms, improper readings of 2A, revisionist history,
rights-denial as a crime remedy, "the gun lobby lies about 2A," even "an
individual right means you can own an atom bomb," all dead. Did I
mention hoplophobia is irrational?


The human right to self defense has received unequivocal support. This
is especially important since the U.N. does not recognize this right.


Criminals and crazies remain under strict legal controls, despite
lunatic claims to the contrary.


Handguns are fully recognized as "the quintessential self-defense
weapon."


Future efforts to deny these crucial civil rights will be severely
chilled (though their advocates may be energized, as we would if we had
lost).


The list of weapons useful for a militia -- armed citizens capable of
being called up in an emergency to serve with their own weapons --
remains ambiguous. To wit:


Legal-eagle friends are confused, in disagreement and debating what the
actual holdings are exactly, such as whether the Second Amendment is
incorporated against the states, and similar fine points. I take an
expansive view and encourage rights advocates to do the same. Do NOT
yield ground on any points in your preliminary positions -- take the
highest ground concerning what the decision means, and make the antis
fight uphill against you. Push the envelope in the direction of greater
freedom. The finding of a specific enumerated right of course means
other jurisdictions are affected even if the 14th Amendment isn't
specifically invoked -- it doesn't need to be.


June 26 has been proposed as National Right to Keep and Bear Arms Day
by Tom Liddy, author, talk show host, politician and son of G. Gordon
Liddy.


The decision will provide cover for politicians, who can now reject
anti-rights bills by saying their hands are tied by the
individual-rights declarations in Heller. Obviously not all will, but
many will be able to duck a thorny issue without alienating their
constituencies, bolstering pro-rights efforts toward new bills and
helping to stop bad bills.


--------



I just finished studying the decision, the dense legal text is not easy
reading. Much of the commentary I've seen seems based on guesswork and
emotion. It's better than we think, but still, the struggle goes on as
it always will. Freedom is not a place you get to, it's a path you
travel.



THE TRULY TREMENDOUS ADVANCE FOR RKBA:
THE TRULY TREMENDOUS ADVANCE FOR RKBA:


The core issue of "judicial scrutiny" is now established -- better than
we had dreamed -- in what will be known as Famous Footnote #27 (p56).
Laws impinging on the Second Amendment can receive no lower level of
review than any other "specific enumerated right" such as free speech,
the guarantee against double jeopardy or the right to counsel (the
Court's list of examples).

This is a tremendous win, and overlooked in all initial reviews I've
seen. Attorney Mike Anthony was the first to spot it, way to go Mike.
"Strict scrutiny," which many folks sought, is a term without formal
definition that could prove problematic. I was hoping for a test of some
sort and got more than I hoped for. By recognizing 2A as a "specific
enumerated right" the majority ties 2A to the rigid standards and
precedents of our most cherished rights. That's as strong as there is.
Very clever indeed.

Coupled with the Court's destruction of a scrutiny scheme invented by
Breyer in his dissent, 2A protection is now extra robust (but antis will
continue their attacks). Seeking to justify the
total-gun-bans-are-perfectly-OK school of thought (the one B. H. Obama
supported until this decision came out and he immediately reversed
himself), Justice Breyer proposed a brand new level of scrutiny, not
just the familiar strict, intermediate or rational-basis levels (from
highest to lowest). He invented a new low he calls "interest-balancing
inquiry." The Court calls it a "judge empowering... freestanding"
approach wholly without merit or precedent and dismisses it completely
as a worthless subterfuge. p62



The decision works hard in many ways to preclude further abuses, to
establish the primacy of the fundamental rights in the Second Amendment,
to foreclose future mischief against the rights protected, and to take
certain policy choices off the table -- like banning handguns for self
defense at home -- regardless of how bad criminals are or how they do
their dirty work. Government has other tools to fight crime, and has to
use those. p64



Critics and anti-rights advocates are almost gleeful at the Court's
acceptance of Mr. Heller's request for registration and a license to
carry his gun in his own home, as long as the terms aren't arbitrary or
capricious. Agreed this is a weak and unsavory intermediate step with
potential for abuse, while on the way to greater freedom than D.C.
currently has. It has a very dangerous potential for abuse that will be
exploited. Antis will try to imply that registration and licensing are
more than OK, they are the new standard. This is completely false:

-- It is not a national requirement, it's a response to a specific
request.

-- Heller's request applies specifically to his case, at home, in D.C.,
to be acted upon by D.C. for its residents.

-- Because RKBA is now recognized as a "specific enumerated right" (a
phrase you should start using), laws related to it will be subjected to
stringent standards like those protecting freedom of speech, protection
against double jeopardy or the right to counsel (among the most
safeguarded rights we have).

-- Registration and a license to practice free speech would obviously
never be permissible, so Mr. Heller's request should hold little sway,
if any, outside the context of his "prayer" (the Court's word) for
relief from the onerous disability he suffered as a D.C. resident.
Anti-rights lawyers and legislators will try to argue otherwise, but the
ammunition is piled high in the pro-rights arsenal. Our argument is
compelling, do not yield. To wit again:



From the Counterintuitive Department: The antis are actually trumpeting
our side -- People will want less restrictions! Gun bans will fall!
Gun-free-zones will come under legal attack! And we're promoting their
side for Pete's sake -- More licensing and registration is coming!
Assault weapon bans are around the corner! The Court has put another
nail in the gun-rights coffin! Be careful about turning a win into a
loss, and giving voice to what the other side wants. Don't be a
gloomsayer.



The biggest issue for me perhaps is the fact that, on June 25, the day
before this decision, not knowing which way it would go, I had this
right to keep and bear arms intact. I had it in my home, in my environs,
on my steed. I cherished this right, exercised it every day with the
keeping and from time to time with the bearing.

It is a right I consider mine, and my country's, and a sign of my
status as a free man. And I relish that it's unique in the world -- that
this country and no other had advanced this right for me, from well
before my birth to the present day. I do not care to relinquish this
long-held right of mine on some unknown tomorrow. And I cannot see a
valid reason even if nine people sitting in a room thousands of miles
away say I've been mistaken all this time, or never had it in the first
place, or have to give it up for some reason they can imagine or
concoct.

Certainly, the fact that criminals are doing their nefarious work is
not cause or grounds for me to give up my human and civil rights (yet
this is the essence of Breyer's dissent).

"It is a cruel hoax to seek to persuade the American people that the
Bill of Rights should be watered down in response to rising crime
rates." --Nicholas Katzenbach.

And I practically resent, even though I accept the nature of our
system, that those nine people actually have the power to deny me the
rights my countrymen and I have held since birth, and have held since
the birth of this nation. Thank God we dodged this bullet and won. The
consequences of a loss are too dire to contemplate.



THE DISSENT

A trial judge hears a prosecutor's case and remarks, "You're right."
But then the defense makes his case, and the judge says, "You're right."
To which the bailiff says, "But your honor, they can't both be right."
And the judge replies dryly, "You're right too."

As is so often the case when reading Supreme Court holdings, after
absorbing and agreeing in large measure with the elegant treatise of the
majority, the dissent reads well and holds sway on its own grounds. This
is true in Heller, and the dissent is quite compelling in spots, puts
forth arguments not well rebutted by the majority, and makes its points
as you would expect a team of top experts to do. You're left to wonder,
what if the minority of dissenters is actually the right decision? The
opposition will do everything in their power to raise that specter of
course, just as we would if the single vote went the other way.

The startling realization is that both sides don't really know with
absolute certainty which argument is correct. What did the Founders and
the public during the period between the Revolution and the drafting of
2A really think about gun ownership, possession and use? Hint: Always
choose freedom if such doubts arise.

Each side nips at the surviving documents, assembles the evidence their
own way, sprinkles it with clever scholarly wiggle phrases like, "it
seems certain that," or "it's unreasonable to assume otherwise," and
draws their summation. If you could poll the public in 1791 on the key
questions, maybe you'd end up with a five-to-four split of opinion. The
record does not inform the debate with crystalline clarity.

What is clear is that the nation has enjoyed private firearms ownership
and use for all of its history, and for most of that time, objections
have been few, peripheral, and have not abandoned those rights. In
recent times, various government entities have encroached on those
rights, in niggling or great ways, and we find ourselves today trying to
decide if we should continue to exercise the rights we have always
previously enjoyed.

Should we somehow justify the removal of the hundreds of millions of
guns Americans presently own? (And do all those people have to get Fifth
Amendment compensation for their taken property?) By a single vote in
Heller, we decided no, not at this time. And those who have attempted
such must reverse their course. They will do so grudgingly at best.



If Stevens' dissent is actually the correct assessment (a point, like
the majority's holding, we must admit cannot be determined with absolute
certainty), and 2A is all about the militia, then what of it? Are we no
longer the militia armed and ready to serve?

The fact that we have not had to take up our arms and repel invaders,
suppress an insurrection, execute our laws or resist tyranny from
within, are we no longer the impregnable force the founders expected us
to be when the clarion moment arrived? In the grand scheme, if Stevens'
dissent controls, we would and should still retain our arms. It might be
prudent to promote training with a militia purpose in mind, whatever
that might look like.

As a practical matter, one facet of being an American is that you
agree, implicitly, if the ship is sinking you will pick up a bucket and
bail water. This loyalty is owed in principle to any nation with which
you align, where you enjoy its fruits, and serve as a thread in its
fabric -- but especially so here, where it is codified in statute (10
USC §311 et. seq.). You can abandon ship and run at the slightest wave,
but this is without honor. This brings disgrace to you and your house.
In this country at least, aside from principle, it's the law. No part of
the Heller results touch on this, but its no less true for the
omission.



Breyer's dissent cannot be reviewed so favorably, for he admits you
"may" have this right, but it can be regulated into oblivion because
criminals are bad, guns are dangerous, and government has or should have
the power to deny your rights if it thinks a greater purpose is served.
It is so off target it's hard to address. His alliance with the
principles that make American go are missing in action. He spends
inordinate time invoking stats on how bad criminals are, since he holds
that this justifies denial of your rights, and firmly believes that a
gun ban will stop criminals and save lives (despite the evidence to the
contrary, which he refutes ambitiously but poorly).


--------


Detailed, step-by-step review of the decision, the dissents, and the
events leading up to the case will form the heart of my next book, "The
Heller Case: Supreme Court Gun Cases Volume 2." Leading experts will
contribute their view of where the Heller case will lead us, and suggest
a course of action for using this landmark decision in defense of
liberty. Every gun case the Court has ever heard -- all 96 -- will be
discussed, along with summaries of all 66 amicus briefs filed in the
Heller case, and the full text of the case. Hundreds of juicy quotes
from Heller will be highlighted for easy reading and navigation through
the thick legal discussions.




You want to read something truly fine in the meanwhile?

"Tempus Fugit" explores what Washington, Jefferson and Franklin would
think of this nation they launched, after they are mysteriously
transported here through time. Thorough research into their
personalities, dialog filled with their original quotations, a barroom
brawl while they're drinking Sam Adams beer, their first encounters with
cars, WalMart, TV -- and their shock when they see 27 new amendments --
it's a total page turner, extremely insightful.
Tempus Fugit by Lawrence Lee Rowe, $20 hardcover --
http://www.gunlaws.com/books7novels.htm



Alan Korwin
Bloomfield Press
"We publish the gun laws."
4848 E. Cactus, #505-440
Scottsdale, AZ 85254
602-996-4020 Phone
602-494-0679 Fax
1-800-707-4020 Orders
http://www.gunlaws.com
alan@gunlaws.com
Call, write, fax or click for free full-color catalog
(This is our address and info as of Jan. 1, 2007)


If you can read this, thank a teacher.
If you're reading this in English, thank a veteran.


"No one could make a greater mistake than he who did nothing
because he could do only a little."
--Edmund Burk
 

HerbM

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Take the high ground as advised:

Majority Opinion DC v Heller, page 8:
Some have made the argument, bordering on the frivolous, that only those arms in existence in the 18th century are protected by the Second Amendment. We do not interpret constitutional rights that way.

Just as the First Amendment protects modern forms of communications, e.g., Reno v. American Civil Liberties Union, 521 U. S. 844, 849 (1997), and the Fourth Amendment applies to modern forms of search, e.g., Kyllo v. United States, 533 U. S. 27, 35–36 (2001), the Second Amendment extends, prima facie, to all instruments that constitute bearable arms, even those that were not in existence at the time of the founding.

The 2nd Amendment protects an individual, natural right, separate from any military service, to any bearable arm; it offers the same type of protection as the 1st and 4th Amendments.

It's your right; insist on it being respected and protected.

Rights don't terminate when you leave your private property and enter the public square.

Take the high road and the high ground. Pass it on.



 

mbogo

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I think what is so important is to do exactly as Alan suggests: press the positive aspects of this ruling to the maximum posible.

There is certainly more to come and some of the opinion is ambiguous DC will try to push the envelope of restriction we MUST press the other way. Eventually we will win but I think it will be many years before we see some of the hardcore holdouts fold.
 

Jack Hollowpoint

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We want to seek injunctive relief per Heller toward Washington DC's complete ban on semi-auto firearms. Per the majority opinion, (Scalia) --

3. The handgun ban and the trigger-lock requirement (as applied to
self-defense) violate the Second Amendment. The District’s total ban
on handgun possession in the home amounts to a prohibition on an
entire class of “arms” that Americans overwhelmingly choose for the
lawful purpose of self-defense. Under any of the standards of scrutiny
the Court has applied to enumerated constitutional rights, this
prohibition—in the place where the importance of the lawful defense
of self, family, and property is most acute—would fail constitutional
muster.
Similarly, the requirement that any lawful firearm in the
home be disassembled or bound by a trigger lock makes it impossible
for citizens to use arms for the core lawful purpose of self-defense and
is hence unconstitutional. Because Heller conceded at oral argument
that the D. C. licensing law is permissible if it is not enforced arbitrarily
and capriciously, the Court assumes that a license will satisfy
his prayer for relief and does not address the licensing requirement.

Assuming he is not disqualified from exercising Second Amendment
rights, the District must permit Heller to register his handgun and
must issue him a license to carry it in the home. Pp. 56–64.
478 F. 3d 370, affirmed.

-- Nonetheless, Washinton DC's ban on "semi-automatic" arms ban an entire class of firearms commonly used for self defense as outlined in the majority opinion. The ban is arbitrary, capricious, and unconstitutional.
 
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